OnBoard Knowledge Journal 2026, 2, 5
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The mathematical structure proposed for the quantification phase is a state-dynamics expression of the
form:
dCk
dt
=
ωij σij αjk Φ(τ ), k ∈ {D, L, I, R}, t ∈ R
,
(1)
≥0
∑∑
ij
i
j
where Ck(t) ∈ [0, 1
]
denotes the normalized state of each Ce component, with initial condition Ck(
0
)
ob-
tained from the operational sources declared in Section 3.4.2; ωij
≥
0, σij ∈ {+1,
−
1
}
,
αjk ∈ R, and
Φ : {adaptive, disruptive} → R is the transmission function. Equation (1) is a design proposal, not a cali-
brated model: parameter estimation, functional form of
later formal phase.
Φ, and feedback among Ce components belong to the
7. Conclusions
The article proposes a heuristic analytical framework based on a Virtual System-of-Systems to assess
the interaction between non-state actors and the State in the maritime domain. The novelty of the work does
not lie in the claim that elements developed by other traditions are original, but in their articulation within
a single analytical architecture: an archetype typology, a system of interest defined under ISO/IEC/IEEE
15288:2023, and a causal representation based on Sterman’s notation.
On this basis, the study does not aim to offer empirical validation or a calibrated system simulation.
Its contribution is more precise and, for that reason, more defensible: it orders relations, distinguishes
technological interfaces, reveals interaction patterns, and opens a reasoned path for Unified Action. Within
this framework, Table 3 shows conceptual compatibility with Maier’s attributes, and Table 9 summarizes
the model’s correspondence with qualitative criteria for structural assessment applicable to a causal loop
diagram.
The effect of non-state actors on governance and security is sectoral and contingent. It does not displace
the State, but it modifies part of the conditions under which the State acts. Technological mediation amplifies
this effect when archetypes control data, platforms, or cyber-physical systems. This does not amount to
a linear decline of the State. Rather, it shows that State capacity depends, with increased force, on the
simultaneous preservation of governance, technical competence, and accountability.
In the intra-illegitimate quadrant, eleven of twelve cells show positive polarity. Rather than prove a
general law, this pattern suggests that, in the analyzed domain, functional cooperation among illegitimate
actors may be more frequent than traditional security doctrine tends to assume. For Unified Action, the
implication is concrete: it is more prudent to design the response under the assumption of opportunistic
coordination among these actors than under the expectation that they will compete with one another
automatically.
In the NSA–INSA quadrant, only one of the twenty-four possible cells shows negative polarity: Com-
mercial firms–Transnational crime. Within the model, this relation represents the best-documented transfer
hypothesis from the legitimate subsystem to the illegitimate subsystem. It should not be read as ontological
exclusivity, but as the best-supported relation within the constructed matrix. For this reason, measures
such as supply-chain due diligence, transaction oversight, and port traceability appear here as reasonable
intervention priorities.
The main vulnerability of the State against illegitimate archetypes does not lie in the absence of
instruments, but in the difficulty of sustaining critical services when disruption persists. Therefore, rather
than accumulate capacities in abstract terms, it is preferable to secure a minimum threshold of continuity
and cyber-resilience: verifiable basic controls, periodic exercises, defined notification and recovery times,
and effective coordination between national and territorial levels. When data maturity permits, the use of
digital twins may help identify critical dependencies and prioritize responses. This line of action is especially
relevant for territorial entities, private operators, and academic actors that manage infrastructure or sensitive
information, and it aims to reduce the probability that an intrusion becomes sustained disruption.
The influence of firms, super-empowered individuals, civil society, and academia increases when they
control data, platforms, or automated processes. The State response should not rely on diffuse control or
expansive surveillance, but on verifiable rules: effective competition, supply-chain due diligence, responsible